Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies

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Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest : Lessons from Asian Democracies. / Lee, Myunghee.

In: Journal of East Asian Studies, Vol. 23, 2023, p. 95–123.

Research output: Contribution to journalJournal articleResearchpeer-review

Harvard

Lee, M 2023, 'Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies', Journal of East Asian Studies, vol. 23, pp. 95–123. https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.34

APA

Lee, M. (2023). Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies. Journal of East Asian Studies, 23, 95–123. https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.34

Vancouver

Lee M. Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies. Journal of East Asian Studies. 2023;23:95–123. https://doi.org/10.1017/jea.2022.34

Author

Lee, Myunghee. / Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest : Lessons from Asian Democracies. In: Journal of East Asian Studies. 2023 ; Vol. 23. pp. 95–123.

Bibtex

@article{76d4e399d73a47d7955d92bebf9cedf0,
title = "Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest: Lessons from Asian Democracies",
abstract = "Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters{\textquoteright} age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs{\textquoteright} characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters{\textquoteright} protesting behavior.",
keywords = "Faculty of Social Sciences, authoritarian successor parties, political protest, democratization, authoritarian legacies, resource mobilization theory",
author = "Myunghee Lee",
year = "2023",
doi = "10.1017/jea.2022.34",
language = "English",
volume = "23",
pages = "95–123",
journal = "Journal of East Asian Studies",
issn = "1598-2408",
publisher = "Lynne Rienner Publishers",

}

RIS

TY - JOUR

T1 - Authoritarian Successor Parties, Supporters, and Protest

T2 - Lessons from Asian Democracies

AU - Lee, Myunghee

PY - 2023

Y1 - 2023

N2 - Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters’ age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs’ characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters’ protesting behavior.

AB - Are authoritarian successor party (ASP) supporters more likely to protest? I propose that ASP supporters are less likely to protest in general. The post-democratization mobilization environment is shaped upon the pre-democratization mobilization basis. During the pre-democratization period, protest was organized around the democracy movement. Thus, protest tactics and networks were accumulated through it. As former authoritarian ruling party supporters, ASP supporters are less likely to have legacies of participating in the democracy movement, which prevents them from accessing the accumulated protest resources from the democracy movement. However, I argue that this negative association varies based on the ASP qualities and supporters’ age. Supporters of ASPs that maintain strong pre-democratization legacies are more likely to participate in protests than supporters of ASPs that do not strongly highlight their authoritarian legacies. Also, when the ASPs’ characteristics are considered, older ASP supporters are more likely to participate in protests than younger supporters. Using both single-level and multilevel statistical analyses, I examine four Asian countries with politically powerful ASPs and find evidence supporting my hypotheses. Lastly, I compare two South Korean mass movements, the Candlelight movement and the Taegeukgi rallies to unpack the relationships between ASP supporters, protest resources, and mobilization. This study reveals authoritarian legacies among post-democratization citizens through ASP supporters’ protesting behavior.

KW - Faculty of Social Sciences

KW - authoritarian successor parties

KW - political protest

KW - democratization

KW - authoritarian legacies

KW - resource mobilization theory

U2 - 10.1017/jea.2022.34

DO - 10.1017/jea.2022.34

M3 - Journal article

VL - 23

SP - 95

EP - 123

JO - Journal of East Asian Studies

JF - Journal of East Asian Studies

SN - 1598-2408

ER -

ID: 299206660